Ka Wai Ola - Office of Hawaiian Affairs, Volume 40, Number 4, 1 April 2023 — Two Centuries of Change in Kaka'ako [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

Two Centuries of Change in Kaka'ako

The area now known os Kako'oko wos o region of extensive wetlonds ond freshwoter springs. lnlond were extremely productive ogriculturol londs thot included ocres of lo'i kolo ond other crops. Meonwhile, the coostol londs of Koko'oko were port of o lorge complex of fishponds, reefs ond rich fishing grounds thot onee ron from Mounoluo (Howoi'i Koi) to 'Ewo. - Photos: Bishop Museum

Before Fisherman's Wharf, Kewalo Basin, and Ward Centre, the region known today as Kaka'ako had a rich and colorful history. By Ryan Kawailani ūzawa For centuries, Kaka'ako was a land rich in natural resources and cultural significance. The mix of steel and glass towers and industrial yards of today stand in stark contrast to the area's longstanding stature and significance at the heart of Honolulu. Kaka'ako is in the moku (district) of Kona, in the ahupua'a (land division) of Waikīkī, and along the coastal edge of the neighboring 'ili (smaller land divisions) of Ka akaukukui to the west and Kukuluāe'o to the east. The area was nurtured by two inland freshwater springs, Kewalo and Kawaiaha'o. Like most of the vast plains of Honolulu, the region was home to extensive wetlands that sustained abundant agricultural production. Kaka'ako's lowland marshes and wetlands included lo'i kalo (taro fields), salt pans, and fishponds. Asian settlers that followed added rice to the crops raised in the area. New Land Kaka'ako began to transform in the 1800s. After the Māhele of 1848 ushered in land privatization across the pae aina, Kaka'ako land was parceled out as accelerating commerce demanded massive dredging projects to open up harbors, wharves, and piers. Even as the land was in flux, the area housed a smallpox quarantine eamp, a hos-

pital for Hansen's disease patients, and historic Honolulu Fort and Fort Armstrong. After the illegal overthrow of the Hawaiian Kingdom, the provisional government fixed its sights on Honolulu's sprawling wetlands, declaring them a "heahh hazard," and demanding they be drained. As Waikīkī coalesced into a tourist destination, taro and rice fields were displaced by massive in-fill, dredged and hauled in from points east as Ala Moana Boulevard changed ffom a shoreline road to an inland thoroughfare. Kaka'ako soon heeame a dumping ground for rapidly growing Honolulu. The first city garbage dump and incinerator was established along the waterfront, and the resulting ash was added to the in-fill that obliterated the wetlands and fishponds. The Ka'ākaukukui seawall in Kewalo Basin heeame the shoreline for 29 acres of new "land," some of whieh hosted a garbage dump and ineinerator (dubbed "Swillauea") in 1930. Calling Kaka'ako Home As sustainable small farms were replaced by corporate sugar and pineapple plantations, and streams were diverted, thousands of Native Hawaiian farmers and other agricultural workers were displaced. Many relocated to Kaka'ako on the outskirts of prosperous Honolulu. The early 20th century residents of Kaka'ako were mostly Hawaiian, but also included Chinese, Japanese, Filipino, and Portuguese, living in scattered, sprawling camps and tenements, often working for the area's industrial employers in factories and ports. Despite humhle beginnings, Kaka'ako grew into a thriving, multiethnic, working-class neighborhood. Native Hawaiians claimed the shoreline, fishing and farming seaweed. Japanese

households built ofuro, or outdoor baths, and shared them with neighbors. Children would crowd the docks at Honolulu Harbor and dive for coins thrown overboard by tourists on ships. There was a bustling, sometimes rough-and-tumble nightlife. The Industrial Reboot The 1950s, fueled by rising land prices, the territorial government rezoned Kaka'ako as an industrial area. Thousands of residents were driven out, their homes and businesses cleared to make way for warehouses, factories, and marine and automotive shops. Despite the population of O'ahu doubling over the next two decades, Kaka'ako retained its industrial zoning.

By the 1970s, civic leaders and city planners recognized that the housing supply had not kept up with the massive increase in demand. It was then that Kaka'ako was seen as a potential residential hub, sitting between downtown Honolulu and Waikīkī. The area's principal landowners - Kamehameha Schools Bishop Estate, Ward Estate, and Dillingham Corporation - were very willing to discuss a transition ffom deteriorating industrial lots to high-return housing. At the time, less than 2% of Kaka'ako land was zoned for residential use. The 1976 legislature passed Act 150, designating Kaka'ako as a special development district and creating the Hawai'i Community Development Authority (HCDA). SEE CHANGE IN KAKA'AKO 0N PAGE 6

During the eorly 20th century, Koko'oko grew into o thriving multiethnic, working-closs community. Pictured here ore houses on Ahui Street in 1945.

Fishermen repoir nets ot Kewolo in 1940. Homes ond smoll businesses in Koko'oko coexisted for decades until they were groduolly reploced by foctories ond worehouses. In the 1950s, Koko'oko wos rezoned os on industriol oreo ond by the 1960s, most of the residents were gone.

CHANGE IN KAKA'AKO Continued from page 5

Central to the HCDA charter was ensuring the availability of housing and, from the beginning, its policies called for a minimum number of units for low-ineome and working-class families. More of the Same As land values continued to skyrocket, developers balked at the HCDA's initial priorities. Even residents were turned off by the stigma of puhlie housing. When HCDA released its first comprehensive Kaka'ako development plan, affordable residential units were not included. HCDA realigned itself to favor profit and investment return and described a Kaka'ako of prestigious high-rise condos along a glistening modern waterfront. This vision of a high-end Honolulu enclave was not a new one. There were already other luxury condo towers along the south shore. The findings of the Environmental Impact Statement for HCDA's plan, then, were not surprising: the nascent working class Kaka'ako neighborhood would be replaced by high-end residences housing the wealthy, many ffom outside of Hawai'i. However, this upscale vision failed to materialize as several ambitious master plans ran up against ill-timed downturns in the loeal and global economy.

The Next Master Plan In 2002, Chicago-based General Growth Properties (owner of Ala Moana Center) acquired the Victoria Ward Estate's 64 acres of land and announced "Ward Neighborhood," whieh would have 4,300 residential units across 20 buildings - 860 at "reduced" rents or prices. The 2007-2008 global hnaneial crisis and the bankruptcy of General Growth in 2009 ended those plans. Three years later, Howard Hughes Corporation, a General Growth spinoff firm, unveiled its modified master plan for "Ward Village." Concurrently, Kamehameha Schools unveiled its "Our Kaka'ako" master plan with residential and commercial properties. Alexander & Baldwin proposed two condominium towers at Kewalo Harbor, whipping up a flurry of opposition, whieh led the 2006 legislature to prohibit residential development in the area. The Last Chapter In 2012, the state was finally coming to terms with its immense debt to the Hawaiian people over the use of ceded lands - restitution for whieh was written into the Hawai'i State Constitution. The legislature proposed a partial settlement to OHA: 30 acres of land in Kaka'ako Makai, ostensibly worth $200 million. During the legislative process, it was understood both by lawmakers and OHA that it was an incomplete deal. The restriction on residential development diminished

the property's value by more than 50% and was supposed to be revisited in a future session. The first attempt was made during the 2014 legislative session, but OHA was denied. The next attempt was in 2021 when SB1334 was introduced. The bill passed through the Senate but died after the House refused to hear the bill. The Next Chapter Hakuone, the name given to OHA's lands at Kaka'ako Makai, simultaneously represents the past and future of Hawai'i. It is visualized as a welcoming kīpuka where Native Hawaiian culture and values ean be celebrated and perpetuated. But to heeome a truly loeal community, loeal people must be allowed to live there - and be able to afford to live there. By offering a range of housing options focusing primarily on affordable and workforce housing, Hakuone ean be a true home to Hawai'i's people and contribute to the lifeblood of OHA's mission: the betterment of the conditions of Native Hawaiians in education, heahh, housing, and eeonomie development by strengthening our 'ohana, mo'omeheu (culture), and aina. ■ This article includes research from "Kaka'ako Makai" (2012) by Holly K. Colemanfor the Office ofHawaiian Affairs Research Division and "Placemaking and the Gentrification of Kaka'ako: Exploring Alternative Pathways for Sustainable Futures" (2020) by Justin Menina.