Ka Wai Ola - Office of Hawaiian Affairs, Volume 17, Number 8, 1 ʻAukake 2000 — Kauaʻi meeting issues and some history [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

Kōkua No ke kikokikona ma kēia Kolamu

Kauaʻi meeting issues and some history

fOR THE second time, the OHA Land Committee Chair and sta£f held a meeting on Kaua'i, whieh was wellattended. The June 22, puhlie eomment meeting covered a wide range of issues: Salt ponds, heliports and fishpond restoration, among the many subjects discussed to give OHA further direction to follow up on. Continuing on the next day, June 23, the Land Committee in formal session reviewed the subject of Forbes Cave artifacts, whieh was to eall for future board action. More testimony addressed the building of a heliport, with speakers supporting both sides of the issue, sometimes using the salt flats as the real reason to oppose over-flights, although the salt pond issue was viewed as a ceded land revenue source that had not paid any rent since 1989. Another primary issue was the Pacific Missile Range plan, whieh did not seem to have strong support ffom the eommunity. Of the many discussions, only the Forbes Cave issue was acted upon to move to the Board of Trustees. Labor contracts and Hawaiians In 1836, the Kingdom leased Kōloa, Kaua'i, land for sugar production and all

labor was provided by Hawaiians. Sugar plantations were growing on all islands and tonnage production increasing. In 1850, the Royal Hawaiian Agricultural Society was organized to recruit outside labor, but all labor was still being furnished by Hawaiians. Until 1873, 80 percent of the plantation force was Hawaiian. For example, the 35 operating plantations had 3,786 workers and of them, 2,627 were men and 364 women. Sugar produc-

tion was growing ffom 2 million pounds to 20 million pounds a year, requiring labor imports. Kalākaua was to make a first round the world trip as head of state, visiting nations to encourage workers to eome to Hawai'i. Many contract laborers did eome under the 1850 Masters and Servants Act, as exemplified by a 1899 labor contract whieh eame to my attention recently. tarefully worded the contract would normally include the following points: The contract was for three years and paid a male $15 per month while his wife, if working, received $10 per month in gold coins. Of this $2.50 per month, or about one-sixth of the monthly wage, was withheld to pay the laborer's passage back home. A month's work was 26 days of 10 hours eaeh of field work or 12 hours eaeh in the sugar mill or sugar house. Laborers agreed to work at night if neeessary and overtime would be paid at the rate of $. 10 per hour for males and $.07 per hour for females. These were the terms of the contract called a Memorandum of Agreement that existed among the 1) principal (sugar company); 2) laborer; and 3) agent of the contracting country. Many laborers were to enjoy a new and

better lifestyle than where they had eome from. In the process, the plantations realized large profits, up to 60 percent, on the original investment. That made the new class of investors wealthy and able to eontrol all politics and the economy of Hawai'i. The Hawaiians who worked earher in the sugar fields eamed about 25 cents a day and helped establish the industry. Those who followed to displace Hawaiians would eam about triple their pay at $15 a month. By 1930, laborers imported via the Hawauan Sugar Planters Association (H.S.P.A) ffom places worldwide, would number 400,000 men, women and children, and nearly equal the Hawaiian population when Captain Cook first arrived. The pitting of races against eaeh other was to be used to break strikes. A big strike in 1920 saw 20 men killed. Hawaiians have early on and continuously eamed their vested interests from the discovery of Hawai'i, making it habitable, taking care of and founding their nation as recorded in their documents or constitutions. Ironically Hawaiians helped to establish and promote the industry that would eventually subjugate and displace them. ■

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