Ka Leo o ka Lahui, Volume II, Number 327, 19 November 1891 — Page 4
This text was transcribed by: | Daphne O Sing |
This work is dedicated to: | Awaiaulu |
KA LEO O KA LAHUI.
"E Mau ke Ea o ka Aina i ka Pono."
KA OLELO O KA LAHUI
John E. Bush
Luna Hooponopono a me Puuku
THURSDAY, NOV 19, 1891
NOTICE
The Hawaiian National Liberal Association will hold their regular meeting at the Old Armory, next Saturday evening, at which place, after the business of the association has been disposed of Dr. Hammond, nothing preventing will give an address to the Hawaiians. His subject will be the “Legitimacy of Popular Elections.” The President of the Association, will interpret the learned doctors thoughts to his listeners. The meeting we understand is open to all. No slim house is expected as is the case with of the other Hui’s.
Be Honorable
The utter recklessness and apparent lack of principle in the P. C. Advertiser, in lying about the “Bush-Wilcox faction,” for the purpose of holding them up as terrible examples of what is termed “reactionary,” is well exemplified and exposed by the letter of Mr. C. W. Ashford in Tuesday morning’s issue. The complete expose, made from the P. C. Advertiser’s own utterances, at different times, shows the lack of honorable journalism and low demagogism into which that paper is willing to lend itself to in attacking men who are opposed to them on different grounds of belief in the administration of our affairs.
The Advertiser, the first and the loudest to accuse others of demagogism, is shown up in Mr. Ashford’s letter to be the father of demagogism and of deception. It seems to be impossible for that paper to take up the discussion of any subject in the politics of the country without being a pure demagogue; necessitated to be one for lack of moral stamina to forgo profit for principle. It is no wonder, that the men, who are part with the P. C. Advertiser, have lost the confidence of the people when they have the effrontery to demand legislation to flood the country with cheap Asiatic laborers, who care nothing for the fifty dollars bond which the give as assurance to return to their own country in case they decline to re-contract, and by evasion of the law become competitors with the mechanics and workingmen of the country.
In the wiggling article of Tuesday’s issue devoted to Mr. Ashford’s letter, we fail to find one word of apology to Messrs. Wilcox, Baker, Waipuilani, White, Kanealii, and the large number of others of their party who are maligned. An honest apology for injury inflicted is not part of the good manners cultivated by the Advertiser management we regret to say.
Chinese Coolie Labor
Let those whose sc@ patriotism believe that the prosperity and happiness of the island kingdom can only be accomplished by the introduction of cheap coolie labor read the following from the report of U. S. Consul Studer of Singapore:--
“Under the ‘Chinese emigrant protecting bill,’ all Chinese emigrants arriving here are landed at a certain place, where people can go and hire them under the supervision of a commissioner. A contract in writing for each coolie, containing all the stipulations, is drawn up in triplicate, both parties to the agreement being ‘well and truly bound.’ The fees and advances having been paid, the coolies are allowed to leave the emigrant depot, while such as have not been hired, and ot claiming the commissioners protection any further on any account, are allowed to go whither they like.”
“If a planter fails to carry out his contract or ill treats the cooly. The latter can prosecute him. If, on the other hand, the cooly deserts his employer before the expiration of the contract, the latter can have him arrested and returned on the estate, and if he is found that the cooly deserted while in debt to his employer, he is sent to jail to work for a certain time, and the employer can receive from the authorities the amount due him at the time of desertion of the cooly.”
“Now; this bill, with its provisions, looks very favorable on first appearance, but is far from being a popular one, for various reasons.”
“Sometimes, immediately after having received advance wages, the coolies find a way of disappearing, and as they cannot be punished before they are found and arrested, and to find them among hundreds upon thousands of celestials in the city, country and jungle is easier said than done, there is not much satisfaction in that. But if successfully brought to a plantation, they work for a while and then desert, hiding among countrymen and natives, and the planter does not find much protection in that. He may hear of them as being at a remote place, generally many miles away from a town having a police magistrate or prison, and to catch them and transport them, aside from dangers, is so expensive and full of hinderances, that the planter prefers often to let him or them be where they are.”
“It is to white planters I am alluding chiefly, because Chinese ‘Towkays,’ owing to being countrymen, or belonging to the same Chinese factions or secret societies, do not often lose coolies; neither, as a rule, do they like the ‘Chinese emigrant protection measure,’ because they can get coolies where a white man would fail, and this without paying ‘official fees,’ and signing a mountain of agreements in triplicate, and as all planters must rely chiefly on Chinese coolie, it is evident that the Chinese ‘towkay’ has every advantage over the white planter. The number of towkays is steadily increasing, and with them, their influence, wealth and power in the colony!”
“On the plantation the white planter is more slave to his coolies than he is master. If working by the day, unless under a sharp overseer (and then they run away) they work only nominally; but some of them will work well upon contract, when they see any prospect of gaining by it, or a chance to steal or cheat. Many of them are opium smokers, and nearly all gamblers. The planter must not only supply them liberally with rice, fish, curry stuff, oil, tobacco, &c., but also with enough of opium so that they can have a daily smoke. If his stock of the vile drug gives out, they will not work until a fresh stock arrives. They have to be watched, not only by day, but also by night. If overseers do not go into their sheds at night and see the lights put out, they will sit up and gamble and be too sleepy to work properly next day. Just to think of a herd of coolies of about 300 to 500 on one estate! Great tact and discretion is required in overseeing and managing them and when they dislike their employers or overseers, they often form secret plots to murder them, and close inspections of their shed are often required to see whether they have sharpened sticks or other weapons concealed.”
“In order to be informed of plots the planters generally have secret reporters, one to every shed, who, under the character of cooly laborers, receiving secretly extra wages, are relied on to report at headquarters everything that seems wrong.”
“It is dangerous to neglect watchfulness, for many planters and overseers have been either murdered or badly handled since I have been here.”
The Two General Generals
We have read with interest the address of our able townsman Mr. A. S. Hartwell on Constitutional Government, and also that of Mr. S. C. Armstrong. Both addresses are valuable productions, in a great many ways. It gives us historical reminiscences of the past history of Hawaii, social and political. As we study them we find outlined the trend of thought, the aim and ideas of each of these lecturers, the different characteristics, principles and motives which give public expression to their thoughts. In it all, we see the one maintaining throughout his discourse the position of the one whose aim is self; ever seeking to subvert correct principles to serve the interests of himself and of his friends. The whole gist of Mr. Hartwell’s address, outside of the past is concentrated in the last part of the last paragraph of his lecture.
In this short paragraph he briefly sets forth the most important period of Constitutional revolution, and closes by quoting the commonwealth of Massachusetts with reference to the present enforced an illegitimate Constitution of which he and his friends had all to do with that “to the end it may be a government of laws, and not of men.” After the creation and substitution of a constitution against law, our friend now says: law has everything to do with us, -- such laws as a few of his kind have made for us – and not men. Today it is law not men, yesterday it was men not law. It is thus we observe the character of our townsman, the aim, the object, and the principles which actuates his voice and act, by which he hopes to mold public sentiment. This is what one general has to say, and on it we base our opinions.
Without wishing to make the comparison for the purpose of disparaging or of praising these men of note, but for the purpose of setting up standards to measure and enlighten the public mind on themes that concern them, we will bring forth the views of General Armstrong which is built upon something else than that held and advanced by the former.
Mr. Armstrong says: “The government is a limited monarchy; the majority rules; the Queen resigns.” The general’s life and acts as an American citizen proves his sincerity in the practice of the majority rule. This is the theory of our government, and Mr. H. supports the theory, because it helps him and his friend. But the greatest difference in these two men lies in the selfish principles, which the selfish principles, which the one fosters and supports, and the noble sentiments, which the other advocates, and which he humbly prays that God will give grace to such man as Mr. Hartwell and his friends, to follow as a principle even it be at the expense of their “pockets.”
ON DIT.
That by the Queen’s phonograph speech one may be misled to think that she loved her brother.
That Ash is a better politician than a railroad superintendent.
That the P. C. Advertiser’s new motto is: be unjust and fear not; let all the ends thou aim’st at be thy pocket’s, thy patron’s, irrespective of truth.
That the Admiral of the green introduced Kahoonei to several of his friends, who understood what was meant the parties subscribing quite literally.
That General Samuel C. Armstrong never felt truer misgivings of the integrity and honor of his brethren in Hawaii nei, than when he prayed that God would help them to be true to right principles and to do the right thing. He knew that his brethren had grown worldly from the way they lived and acted, and he was right.
That now that the country people has a forced constitution upon them, Mr. Hartwell says that we have attained the object of the Massachusetts (not Federal) Commonwealth, “that it (this) may be a government of laws, and not of men “forgetting what doctrines he and his friends supported in 1887. Mr. Hartwell of course does not mean what he says but to say something that will suit the little Massachusetts Commonwealth set up here in Hawaii. General Armstrong, belonging to the Federal Commonwealth, was more real and outspoken, than General Hartwell, who is circumscribed in his views to what is acceptable to the lesser commonwealth. The latter evidently comes under those for whom General Armstrong prayed that God would help them to sacrifice their pockets and do what was right. But Armstrong is not Hartwell any more than the United States commonwealth is Massachusetts. This is about the way the measure of man’s intelligence “to political influence” would be meted out. Boston measure is on the bigot system.
dom, outside of Oahu; they should receive a fairer proportion of the public moneys for the development of their resources and the satisfaction of their wants. In fact, the principle of local Self-government should be extended, whereby giving localities may choose the most important of their local executive officers, and levy taxes for the purpose local improvements of a public nature.
PROTECTION TO THE LABOURING CLASSES
9. We shall endorse all measure tending to improve the condition of the working classes, and consequently, without injuring any vested rights, we will advocate laws to prevent all further importation or employment of contract-labor of any kind, upon conditions which will bring it into a ruinous and degrading competition with free Hawaiian or white labor. We shall also, in the interest of the better protection of the poor, ask for more liberal exemptions of their property from forced sale on execution, and from seizure in bankruptcy proceedings.
SMALL FARMING AND HOME STEADS
10. The wealthy fraction of our population have hitherto prevented the development of an independent class of citizens; the public lands have been acquired and have been tied up in a few hands or parcelled to suit favorites, and small farmers and planters have been driven out by corporations or combinations of capitalists: but as small farming is conducive to the stability of the State, it should be encouraged by a new and more liberal Homestead act, by which the ownership of small tracts of land and the settlement thereon in families of our present population – and especiality of the native Hawaiians who have been left almost homeless in their country, -- should be rendered possible. To that end, the Government and Crown lands, (in so far as can be done without invading vested rights) should be devoted as soon as possible to homesteads, and conferred upon bona-fide settlers free of taxes for a limited period.
It should be the further aim of government to, at once, so far improve the means of transportation, -- local, national and international, -- as to provide, in all the districts, cheap means of conveying the product of the soil to market.
ELECTORAL RIGHT
11. We hold that upright and honest manhood and not the possession of wealth, arbitrarily fixed, should consti- the right to vote for nobles as well as representatives and no more power should be accorded to the ballot of the rich man than to the ballot of the poor man. The discrimination in favor of wealth now made in our Constitution is contrary to all the eternal principles of right and justice and must be abolished. To this end, we will favor a leveling of the present distinction of wealth and classes which blemish our laws with respect of the right to vote for nobles, thereby restoring to the native Hawaiians privileges which pertain to them in their own country, and of which they have been unjustly deprived.
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS
12. We favor the expenditure of sufficient sums to secure a number of needed public improvements on Oahu and other Islands: school, railroads and harbors and wharves, public light, and also a thorough system of reservoirs and water works, not only for Honolulu, but through-out the other Islands.
NOTICE
LADIES wishing their feathers dyed or cleaned and curled can have it done by MRS. WERTHERN. 108 Beretania Street.
LADIES wishing to purify their complexion and eradicate tan and freckles will be instructed by MRS. WERTHERN free of charge. 108 Beretania Street past the Armory. 317-@
Public Notice
Know all men by this notice that from and after this date, I have this day discharged Mr. H. C. Ulukou, from acting as an agent, for me in any sense whatever, in the charge and administration of all my property, and in the collection of all dues and rents upon any and all my estate in this kingdom.
Anyone who holds or is in possession of any property or who has any business or payments to make, will transact the same with me personally at my place at Honuakaha, at Honolulu, Oahu.
KAPIOLANI
Per Jos. Nawahi
Honolulu Nov. 3, 1891 259 3m